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 Mesaj Başlığı: Army of al-Naqshbandia in Iraq
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Ex-Baathists Turn to Naqshbandi Sufis to Legitimize Insurgency

By: Abdul Hameed Bakier

Publication: Terrorism Focus
Volume: 5 Issue: 1July 28, 2008

Resim

The “Men of the Army of al-Naqshbandia Way” (Jaysh Rajal al-Tariqah al-Naqshbandia, or JRTN) is a Sunni jihadi group that first announced insurgency operations against the Coalition in Iraq in December 2006 in response to the hanging of Saddam Hussein (albasrah.net, December 30, 2006). Since then, the Naqshbandi army has claimed numerous attacks against the Coalition, posting links to video clips of these attacks in various jihadi forums. Like some other insurgency groups, JRTN publishes a monthly magazine promoting the group’s ideology and enumerates its operations against Coalition forces while soliciting donations (http://www.muslm.net, December 28, 2006).

The Naqshbandia, founded in 1389 by Sheikh Muhammad Baha’ al-Naqshbandi, is one of the major Sufi orders of Islam (forums.ikhwan.net, July 5, 2007). The Naqshbandia magazine contains both religious and secular articles promoting Sufism and jihad, such as “A series of facts about Sufism,” “Military lessons derived from the prophet’s migration,” “The Internet in the service of Jihad” and “The American Embassy recommends the use of mice instead of dogs to sniff out explosives.” The magazine includes other articles pertinent to Naqshbandi insurgency operations in Iraq, including a section on religious questions concerning jihad in Iraq sent by adherents of the faith and answered by Naqshbandi religious authorities. Three articles in the latest edition of the magazine help form a better perspective of the extent of JRTN’s insurgency in Iraq:

“Chronology of JRTN’s jihadi operations against the Coalition in November 2007”

The Naqshbandia army claims to have carried out jihadi operations against the Coalition in Baghdad, al-Anbar, Ninawa, Diyala and Salah al-Din provinces, where they launched over 17 rocket attacks using Katyusha, Grad and Iraqi-made Tariq rockets, five mortar attacks, 14 road bombs, four sniper attacks and two massive assaults with light weapons on U.S. military bases. In regular military fashion, the JRTN attributes these attacks to platoons and detachments attached to certain brigades of the JRTN.

“The Big Escape of Collaborators”

With every announcement about the United States’ intention to withdraw forces from Iraq, pro-U.S. Iraqis—whether civilian or military—hastily leave Iraq on long and short visits to neighboring countries in an attempt to flee before U.S. forces withdraw from the country. The Naqshbandia army believes that U.S. forces will be forced to make an undeclared pullout from Iraq as a result of heavy mujahideen strikes. The writer of the article, engineer Hatim al-Isawi, alleges that 2,745 translators from southern Iraq have already fled to the United Kingdom, where they face a grim future as a result of British refusal to grant them refugee status. In the same context, the United States granted refugee status to only 700 Iraqi spies and agents out of over 50,000 applicants. Al-Isawi reiterates: “He who knows America does not deal or ally with it. America is a country of interests with no principles or morals. The tragedy of American agents will recur and that is America’s religion.”

“Guerrilla War of Attrition”

The writer of this article, identified as Major General Ahmad al-Naqshbandi, acknowledges U.S. might and the inability of the mujahideen to directly confront and defeat U.S. forces. Therefore, the mujahideen must aim to wage a war of attrition to wear out U.S. forces through protracted guerrilla tactics. To achieve victory, jihad has to begin with defensive strategies before moving on to a balance of power and a final assault phase. Major General al-Naqshbandi lays out the tactics needed in the first phase as follows:

1. Concentrate on attacking small, soft targets instead of hard targets even if they are attackable in order to avoid heavy casualties. The loss of large numbers of jihadis is unsustainable as it takes a long time to replace them. The preference in this phase is to rocket-attack the enemy from distant points.

2. Exert more effort in training and gradually gain fighting skills while observing the occupiers’ tactics, reactions and weaknesses. The longer jihadis hold their ground, the better the chances are of overcoming the threshold of their fear of the enemy.



3. Widen the jihadi base to prolong resistance operations, consequently prevailing over the enemy.

According to al-Naqshbandi, “When the ummah (Islamic community) sees that jihadis are an equal match to the enemy by prolonging the confrontation, more fighters will start joining the jihadis or forming new jihadi entities.”

Finally, the JRTN calls upon Muslims to donate money to fund jihad operations, asserting that donating money is equal to fighting and fulfilling the religious imperative of jihad.

It is a common perception that Sufism is a non-violent form of Islam, guiding its adherents away from political confrontation toward a more spiritual facet of the religion. Hence, Sufism was tolerated by totalitarian regimes such as in Iraq and—in some cases—practiced by the statesmen in such regimes. It is apparent from the regular military terminology used in the Naqshbandia magazine that ex-Iraqi military officers are the main core of JRTN and are using the Naqshbandia order to legitimize their insurgency. Although Sufism is in stark contrast with Salafism, both sects push their religious differences aside to unite against a non-Muslim enemy. However, any Sufi-Salafi alliance is not expected to survive in the absence of a common enemy, possibly even emerging as a new and bitter conflict in strife-torn Iraq.

http://www.jamestown.org/single/?no_cac ... ws%5D=4639


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U.S. Sees New Threat In Iraq From Sufi Sect

by QUIL LAWRENCE

June 17, 2009

A slow but steady toll of violence continues in Iraq, and Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki consistently blames al-Qaida elements.

But the fundamentalist Sunni al-Qaida seems to have lost its sway in Iraq. Instead, U.S. officials caution that a little-known strain of the insurgency has emerged, with tougher roots in Iraqi soil: the Naqshbandi army, which draws strength from an ancient Sufi order and from a Saddam Hussein-era Baathist fugitive.

Sufism is sometimes described as the mystical side of Islam, and it is often associated with rituals of singing and dancing that inspire a feeling of religious ecstasy. In more extreme examples in Iraq, Sufis even pierce themselves with needles or knives to show how faith makes them impervious to pain. Most Sufi orders are pacifist, and their traditions appeal to both Sunnis and Shiites across the Muslim world.

Naqshbandi Sufism is many centuries old and believed to have originated in Anatolia, in modern-day Turkey. Famous Naqshbandi Sufis have included the last two grand muftis of Syria and the 18th century Indian Islamic scholar, Shah Waliullah of Delhi.

Fundamentalists like al-Qaida consider Sufis to be heretics, but there has been some contact between al-Qaida in Iraq and the Naqshbandi army, which comes from the fringe of the Sufi order.

The group was founded by an ex-Iraqi army noncommissioned officer named Abdurahman Naqshbandi, who hails from the Lake Hamrin area of northeastern Diyala province — now one of the few pockets in Iraq where the insurgency has resisted U.S. and Iraqi control. Solid information about the group is elusive, but Brig. Gen. Craig Nixon says it started with a call for jihad against America in 2003.

"There's clearly a different ideology between al-Qaida and Jaysh al-Nashqbandi," said Nixon. "We've seen some local-level tactical commingling of the pipe-swingers, if you will, but the Jaysh al-Naqshbandi is clearly a nationalist element with a view to go back to the former Baath leadership."

Nixon's area of command includes Diyala and Kirkuk provinces, where the Jaysh al-Naqshbandi seems to be increasing its activity. Al-Qaida's power may be on the wane in Iraq, after inflicting so many civilian casualties. But the Sufi-inspired order can present itself as a more indigenous resistance, Nixon says.

"They're well-organized, have ties with former regime elements," Nixon says. "Primarily [they] focus on coalition forces but are trying to establish a power base between the local Iraqis. We're concerned that left unattended they will provide a threat to the Iraqi government in this transitional phase."

The other key element is the group's link to the last remaining fugitive from Saddam Hussein's inner circle. Former Vice President Izzat al-Douri, reputedly a fanatical Sufi, may have had earlier contact with Abdurahman Naqshbandi. U.S. military officials believe Douri is outside Iraq raising funds for the insurgency, and they say the Naqshbandi army lends Douri some post-Saddam legitimacy for his continuing fight against the Americans and the Iraqi government.

"I think they are regrouping now," said Ibrahim al-Sumadaie, of the Iraqi Constitutional Party. "The Baath party itself thinks it's time to look ahead after the American withdrawal and the conflict between political parties."

Especially with U.S. troops beginning a gradual drawdown from Iraq, Sumadaie says the Naqshbandi army has become the de facto armed wing of the Baath party. Many Sunni gunmen who flipped to the American side to form so-called Awakening Councils and fight against al-Qaida now feel abandoned, says Sumadaie. He fears the Naqshbandi army may attract many of these Sunnis who feel under siege by the Shiite-dominated government in Baghdad.

"They're well-organized and well-financed from outside Iraq. I think they can attract the remnants of al-Qaida fighters who believe in fight but do not believe in al-Qaida itself," said Sumadaie.

The group has an active Web presence with purported videos of their attacks on U.S. targets and pictures of an arsenal of munitions. Their claims of killing Americans are exaggerated, say U.S. military officials, but at the same time, they say the Naqshbandi army should not be underestimated.

http://www.npr.org/templates/story/stor ... =105507397


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According to the American Invaders

The Insurgency

The Sunni insurgency in Iraq continues to be weakened compared to its peak in 2006. Although presently experiencing diminished capabilities given the lack of a permissive operating environment, al-Qaida in Iraq (AQI), led by Abu Ayyub al-Masri, is the largest and most capable terrorist group in Iraq and continues to pose a threat to Iraqi and Coalition forces. Increased Iraqi and Coalition force operations against Sunni terrorist groups, combined with Sunni reconciliation efforts have created an increasingly difficult operating environment for terrorists and insurgents. This, combined with leadership losses, including the October 5, 2008 death of AQI deputy Abu Qaswarah, and dwindling Sunni support, have forced AQI to focus on survivability in Iraq rather than the group’s long-term strategic objectives of establishing an Islamic state in Iraq.

Many former insurgent leaders have been neutralized or are now participating in dialogue with representatives of the Government of Iraq (GoI) and joining the political process. Sunni resistance groups have greatly reduced operations in the past year, as many members joined Sons of Iraq (SoI) or Sawaha formations or decided to participate in disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programs.

Some Shi’a insurgent groups such as Jaysh al-Mahdi (JAM) and Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq (AAH) have conducted anti-Coalition and anti-Iraqi (primarily anti- Sunni) attacks; however, these attacks are not seeking the failure of the Iraqi government; rather, they seek to expedite the withdrawal of foreign military forces from the country. As security improves and the Iraqi Security Forces mature, a few Shi’a extremist groups are now attempting to engage the Government of Iraq in the reconciliation process.

Though weakened, both Sunni and Shi’a extremist groups are still capable of conducting attacks. Due to its capability to conduct large-scale high-profile attacks, however, AQI remains a viable threat to Iraqi and Coalition interests in Iraq.

Other Iraqi terrorist groups are active in addition to AQI, notably Ansar al-Sunna, which operates primarily in Kurdish-dominated northern Iraq.

Terrorist Organizations

Although some named terrorist groups operate in Iraq, these categories are constantly shifting. The following is a brief introduction to some of the most well-known terrorist groups in Iraq.

Sunni Terrorist Organizations

A) al-Qaida in Iraq (AQI)

Al-Qaida Organization in Iraq (AQI) is the name of the terrorist group formerly led by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi until being killed in a Coalition force airstrike on June 7, 2006. Abu Ayyub al-Masri replaced al-Zarqawi as leader of the group following his death. The goals of this group are to overthrow the Iraqi government and establish an Islamic state in Iraq by forcing out the U.S.-led coalition. Elements of the Kurdish Islamist group Ansar al-Islam, and indigenous Sunni Iraqis comprise much of this group.

AQI has issued claims of responsibility in Iraq for attacks on American and Iraqi security forces, often claiming several attacks in one day. The group uses a variety of tactics that include RPG attacks against armored vehicles, guerilla style attacks by armed militants, suicide bombings, and the kidnapping and beheadings of foreigners.

AQI (sometimes referred to as Al-Qaida in the land of the Two Rivers) has focused on attacking Shiite Arabs and the Iraqi security forces (Iraqi Army and Iraqi Police). This group is blamed for the bombing of a Shia shrine in Samarra in February of 2006 and June of 2007, which set off a series of deadly reprisal killings between Sunnis and Shias.

In addition to these frequent smaller scale attacks in Iraq, the group claimed responsibility for the bombing of three hotels in Amman, Jordan that left 67 people dead and injured more than 150.

B) 1920 Revolution Brigades.

The 1920 Revolution Brigades is an anti-occupation resistance group in Iraq, which includes former members of the disbanded Iraqi army. The group has used improvised explosive devices, and armed attacks against U.S occupation forces. The 1920 Revolution Brigades describes its aim as to establish a liberated and independent Iraqi state on an Islamic basis. It has been active in the area west of Baghdad, in the regions of Abu Ghrayb, Khan Dari and Fallujah and in the governorates of Ninawa, Diyala and al-Anbar. The name of the group (Literally "Brigades of the Revolution of the Twenty") refers to the 1920 revolution against British colonial rule in Iraq, drawing an implicit parallel between the nationalist resistance against that occupation with the guerrillas fighting coalition forces today. On March, 2007 some of its members broke off from the 1920 Revolution Brigades to form Hamas of Iraq.

In a statement issued on 18 March 2007, the 1920 Revolution Brigades stated that it had dissolved into two new brigades, Islamic Conquest and Islamic Jihad. Islamic Conquest became Hamas of Iraq and is the name chosen for its military wing. Islamic Jihad took over the name Twentieth Revolution Brigades, promising to uphold its jihadi inheritance.

C) Naqshbandia

The “Men of the Army of al-Naqshbandia Way” (Jaysh Rajal al-Tariqah al-Naqshbandia, or JRTN) is a Sunni jihadi group that first announced insurgency operations against the Coalition in Iraq in December 2006 in response to the hanging of Saddam Hussein (December 30, 2006). Since then, the Naqshbandi army has claimed numerous attacks against the Coalition, posting links to video clips of these attacks in various jihadi forums. Like some other insurgency groups, JRTN publishes a monthly magazine promoting the group’s ideology and enumerates its operations against Coalition forces while soliciting donations.

The Naqshbandia, founded in 1389 by Sheikh Muhammad Baha’ al-Naqshbandi, is one of the major Sufi orders of Islam. The Naqshbandia magazine contains both religious and secular articles promoting Sufism and jihad, such as “A series of facts about Sufism.”

The Naqshbandia army claims to have carried out jihadi operations against the Coalition in Baghdad, al-Anbar, Ninawa, Diyala and Salah al-Din provinces, where they launched over 17 rocket attacks using Katyusha, Grad and Iraqi-made Tariq rockets, five mortar attacks, 14 road bombs, four sniper attacks and two massive assaults with light weapons on U.S. military bases. In regular military fashion, the JRTN attributes these attacks to platoons and detachments attached to certain brigades of the JRTN. It is a common perception that Sufism is a non-violent form of Islam, guiding its adherents away from political confrontation toward a more spiritual facet of the religion. Hence, Sufism was tolerated by totalitarian regimes such as in Iraq and—in some cases—practiced by the statesmen in such regimes. It is apparent from the regular military terminology used in the Naqshbandia magazine that ex-Iraqi military officers are the main core of JRTN and are using the Naqshbandia order to legitimize their insurgency. Although Sufism is in stark contrast with Salafism, both sects push their religious differences aside to unite against a non-Muslim enemy. However, any Sufi-Salafi alliance is not expected to survive in the absence of a common enemy, possibly even emerging as a new and bitter conflict in strife-torn Iraq.


D) Ansar al-Sunna

The Ansar al-Sunna Sharia Council, which members were formerly part of Ansar al-Sunna, is a militant salafi group in Iraq. The group is based in northern and central Iraq, and includes Kurdish and Sunni Arab as well as foreign fighters. The original group was founded in September 2003 as an umbrella organization for guerrillas, with former members of Ansar al-Islam a Kurdish Islamic organization based in the mountains near Halabja in northeastern Iraq before the U.S-led invasion, at its core. This date coincides with the first released message from the group stating their existence. Their goal is to expel U.S. occupation forces from Iraq. Ansar al-Sunna Sharia Council is thought to have links with other Islamic organizations operating in Iraq. In October 2004 Ansar al-Sunna released a video beheading of a Turkish truck driver on its website. The kidnappers on the video identified themselves as members of al-Tawhid wal-Jihad. Initially, both the United States and the Iraqi interim governments reportedly linked Ansar al-Sunna to al-Qaeda. However a letter intercepted by the American military in January 2007 exposes violent conflict between the two groups. In July 2007 representatives of the Ansar al-Sunna Sharia Council were instrumental in forming an alliance of Sunni militant groups to prepare for the withdrawal of American and allied forces. The new alliance is composed of seven groupings explicitly excluding al-Qaeda and the Baath-party. This delimitation reveals a growing split between al-Qaeda and Ansar al-Sunna Sharia Council over tactics, alleged attacks on Iraqi civilians being a main point of difference. that is fighting the U.S.-led occupation and the elected government led by Nouri al-Maliki.
Shia Terrorist Organizations

E) Jaysh al_mahdi

Jaysh al_mahdi (JAM/Promised Day Brigade (PDB). Muqtada al-Sadr announced the formation of JAM in July 2003 to oppose the Coalition’s presence. JAM members employ improvised explosive devices (IEDs), explosively formed projectiles (EFPs), and indirect fire (IDF) attacks. It staged two uprisings against the Coalition in April and August 2004. It mobilized against its rival Shia faction, the Badr Organization, in August 2005 and was heavily involved in the sectarian conflict that erupted after the February 2006 bombing of the al-Askari Shrine in Samarra. Several splinter factions have emerged since Sadr first demobilized JAM following the second uprising. This has challenged Sadr’s command and control. In August 2007, Sadr ordered a “freeze” on all JAM activity after his followers assassinated two Shia governors and desecrated a major Shia religious festival in Karbala. In June 2008, Sadr announced that the majority of JAM would be transitioned into a socio-cultural organization to oppose secularism and Western thought while a small group of hand-picked fighters would continue to target the Coalition. In mid-November 2008, Sadr announced the formation of the PDB, providing a name for the authorized militia. Sadr is continuing to assert his personal control over the direction of the Sadrist movement by attempting to call on AAH members to join his new armed wing. While progress in forming the PDB has been slow, the group has conducted some intermittent attacks.

F) Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq

Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq (AAH). AAH is a Sadrist splinter organization formed by detained senior Sadrist Qays al-Khazali and currently led by AAH co-founder Akram al-Kabi. AAH claims to uphold the teachings of Sadr’s father, the late Grand Ayatollah Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr. AAH opposes the Coalition presence and has publicly claimed over 6,000 attacks. AAH employs IEDs, EFPs, and conducts IDF attacks. It was formed as an elite Jaysh al-Mahdi group in late 2004 with the support of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps – Qods Force (IRGC-QF). AAH leadership fell out with Sadr in mid-2006. Muqtada al-Sadr has publicly challenged AAH leaders and implied that they have abandoned the resistance by negotiating with the Coalition.

G) Kata’ib Hizballah

Kata’ib Hizballah (KH). A small, but lethal Shia insurgent group that carries out attacks against Coalition forces in Iraq with advanced weapons from Iran, such as improvised rocket assisted mortars (IRAMs), man-portable air-defense systems (MANPADS), IEDs, and EFPs. It formerly claimed attacks under the banner of the Shia Islamic Resistance in Iraq and has actively opposed the Coalition since 2003. KH strongly condemned the signing of the Iraq-US bilateral security agreement, even going so far as to threaten Iraqis who signed or facilitated the signing of the agreement, a reversal of its standing prohibition against targeting Iraqis.

http://www.usf-iraq.com/?option=com_con ... &Itemid=45


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IRAQ : THE NAQSHBANDI RESISTANCE
(Jaysh Rajal al Tariqa al Naqshbandiyya)

by Gilles Munier


December 7, 2009

According to the US command, the Army of the Naqshbandi Men – Jaysh Rajal al Tariqa al Naqshbandiyya , JRTN – is today the most threatening resistance organisation for the Baghad regime. Officially founded on December 30, 2006, on the night of President Saddam Hussein’s execution, it is part and parcel of the Supreme Command for the Jihad and Liberation, a front headed by Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri, leader of the underground Baath Party, who is wanted, dead or alive, with a reward attached of $10 millions.

For General James Nixon who has command of occupation troops in the Dyala and Kirkouk regions, the Sufi brotherhood took up arms as early as 2003 in the high lands overlooking Hamrin Lake in the north-east of Baghdad. The guerrilla, he said, was led by Abdurahman Naqshbandi, former officer of the Iraqi army. None will be surprised in Iraq as the Naqshbandi family is well known for its nationalism and its participation in the overthrow of the pro-British monarchy in 1958. The General notes that the JRTN has nothing to do with “Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia”, and it is “well structured” and therefore all the more dangerous as it has “connexions with elements of the former regime”, that is Izzat Ibrahim. Its emblem represents the map of the Arab Nation which is the ultimate goal of the Baath Party ideology.

Sufism and resistance

Sufism has deep roots in Iraqi society. The two major brotherhoods, the Qadiriyya and the Naqshbandiyya, have always been very much effective. The Qadiriyya under which the Rifaiyya and the Caznazaniyya fall was named after the theologian Abdelkader al Gilani who died in Baghdad in 1166. The Qadiriyya’s brotherhood or tariqa was the first to come into being in the Muslim World. Emir Abdelkader who stood against the conquest of Algeria by the French in 1830 was one of its devotees. In Iraq the Gilani name is equally linked to the anti-British coup in 1941 engineered by Rashid al Gilani and the officers of the Golden Square (?) which inspired Nasser and all the anti-colonisation movements in North Africa.

After the fall of Baghdad in 2003, Sheikh Abdul Afif al Gilani who had adopted a wait and see policy if not a dialogue with the occupiers to stave off a civil war in Iraq had to flee to Kuala Lumpur to be spared the wrath of the qadiris. A self-defence militia was soon set up to protect the al Gilani Shrine from the assaults of the pro-shia Iranian militias and from the salafists of Abou Mossa al Zarkawi who view the Sufis as heretics. In April 2006, an “Abdelkader al Gilani Squadron” announced its creation but nothing has been heard of it so far.

The Naqshbandiyya takes its name from the theologian Baha’uddin Naqshband, born in 1317 in Boukhara. It stands out from the other four brotherhoods which trace back their initiatory chain to the Prophet Muhamed through his son-in-law and the 4th Caliph, Ali, by claiming that secret teachings had been previously transmitted by the 1st Caliph Abu Bakr. The Iraqi branch of the Naqshbandiyya is related to the Naqshbandiyya-Khalidiyya after the nom of its founding member, Sheikh Khalid who was born in Shahrazur, a small Kurdish town of Mesopotamia and died in 1857. The brotherhood which spread very soon throughout the Ottoman Empire, in Central Asia and in India, clashed as of its inception with the deviations imposed on Islam by the Shia Safavid dynasty of Persia. It is still very much influential in Caucasia where the Naqshbandi Imam Chamil, a legendary leader of the anti-Russian resistance in the 19th century set up a State which comprised Chechenia and Daghestan and was ruled by the Sharia.

Faith, ascetism and guerilla

In Iraq, the Naqshbandiyya was organized to resist towards the end of 2003 but it only acknowledged its operations much later for the sake of efficiency. And yet, it is a Naqshbandi commando who sowed panic into the Green Zone on October 26, 2003 when it rocket-attacked the Rashid Hotel where Paul Wolfowitz, n° 2 personage of the Pentagon was sleeping, leaving behind some casualties. In 2004, its mudjahidins took part in the Falluja battle, then in the Samarra’s. Today, the Americans assess their number at 2 to 3000 fighters for the Kirkuk region alone, harassing the US bases there. In the present circumstances, the many resistance organizations seem to the JRTN a necessity because it considers that a united command would diminish their capabilities on the ground and would make the insidious undermining process easier for the occupiers. It very clearly prohibits blind bombings and the execution of Iraqis – unless they are collaborators – and thus it shapes its difference with al Qaeda. But the real strength of the “Naqshbandiyya Army” comes from its religious faith, its ascetic way of life, the patriotism of its members and its ability to cross-border the ethnic cleavages, and its leadership made up of former military men of the previous Iraqi army.

Afrique-Asie (in French – Octobre 2009)

http://www.france-irak-actualite.com/ar ... 93205.html


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Mardi 27 octobre 2009
Soufisme et résistance naqshbandi en Irak
Irak : la résistance naqshbandi
par Gilles Munier (Afrique Asie - octobre 2009)

De l’avis du commandement américain, l’Armée des hommes de la Naqshbandiyya - Jaysh Rajal al-Tariqa al-Naqshbandiyya (JRTN) - est aujourd’hui l’organisation de la résistance irakienne qui menace le plus le régime de Bagdad. Officialisée le 30 décembre 2006, dans la nuit de l’exécution du président Saddam Hussein, elle fait partie du Commandement suprême pour le Jihad et la Libération, le front dirigé par Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri, chef du parti Baas clandestin, dont le tête est mise à prix 10 millions de dollars : mort ou vif !

Selon le général James Nixon, commandant des troupes d’occupation dans les régions de Diyala et de Kirkouk, la confrérie soufie Naqshbandiyya est entrée en résistance, dès 2003, sur les hauteurs surplombant le lac Hamrin, au nord-est de Bagdad. La guérilla y était dirigée, dit-il, par Abdurahman Naqshbandi, ancien officier de l’armée irakienne. En Irak, cela n’étonnera personne, cette famille étant connue pour son nationalisme et sa participation au renversement de la monarchie pro britannique en 1958. Le général note que la JRTN n’a rien à voir avec « Al-Qaïda en Mésopotamie », qu’elle est « bien organisée », et d’autant plus dangereuse qu’elle est « en contact avec des éléments de l’ancien régime », c'est-à-dire Izzat Ibrahim. Son logo représente d’ailleurs la carte de la Nation arabe, objectif ultime du baasisme.

Soufisme et résistance
Le soufisme a des racines profondes dans la société irakienne. Les deux principales confréries, la Qadiriyya et la Naqshbandiyya, y ont toujours été très actives. La Qadiriyya – à laquelle les ordres Rifaiyya et Caznazaniyya sont liés - tire son nom d’Abdelkader al-Gilani, théologien mort à Bagdad et enterré en 1166. Cette tariqa - voie soufie –, fut la première fondée dans le monde musulman. Elle demeure la plus importante. L’émir Abdelkader, qui s’opposa à la conquête de l’Algérie par les Français en 1830, était un de ses disciples. En Irak, le nom de Gilani est également lié au coup d’Etat anti-britannique de Rachid Ali al-Gilani et des officiers du Carré d’or, en 1941, dont l’exemple inspira le colonel Nasser et les mouvements anti-coloniaux au Maghreb. Après la prise de Bagdad en 2003, le cheikh Abdul Afif al-Gilani qui prônait l’attentisme, voire le dialogue avec les occupants, sous prétexte d’éviter que l’Irak ne sombre dans la guerre civile, s’enfuit à Kuala Lumpur pour échapper à la colère des qadiris. Un groupe d’auto-défense fut aussitôt créé pour protéger le sanctuaire d’al-Gilani des attaques des milices chiites pro-iraniennes et des salafistes d’Abou Mussab al-Zarqaoui qui traitent les soufis d’hérétiques. En avril 2006, un « Escadron Abdelkader al-Gilani » annonça sa constitution, mais on n’a guère entendu parler de lui depuis.

La Naqshbandiyya tire son nom de Baha’uddin Naqshband, théologien né en 1317 près de Boukhara. Elle se distingue des autres ordres soufis qui font remonter leur chaîne initiatique au Prophète Muhammad par Ali, son gendre et 4ème calife, en se prévalant d’enseignements secrets transmis préalablement par Abou Bakr, premier calife. La branche irakienne de la confrérie appartient à la Naqshbandiyya-Khalidiyya, du nom de son fondateur Cheikh Khalid - mort en 1857 -, originaire de Shahrazur, bourgade kurde de Mésopotamie. L’ordre qui s’implanta rapidement dans l’empire Ottoman, en Asie centrale et en Inde, s’opposa dès sa création aux déviations imposées en Perse à l’islam par la dynastie chiite safavide. Il demeure très influent dans le Caucase où l’imam naqshbandi Chamil, chef légendaire de la résistance anti-russe, fonda au 19ème siècle un Etat régi par la charia comprenant la Tchétchénie et le Daghestan.

Foi, ascétisme et guérilla
La Naqshbandiyya s’est préparée à résister dès la fin 2002, mais n’a signé ses opérations, pour des raisons d’efficacité, que bien plus tard. C’est pourtant un commando naqshbandi qui créa la première grande panique dans la Zone verte, le 26 octobre 2003 à l’aube, en attaquant au lance- roquettes l’hôtel al-Rashid où dormait Paul Wolfowitz, n°2 du Pentagone, faisant plusieurs victimes dont un général américain. En 2004, ses moudjahidine participèrent à la bataille de Fallujah, puis à celle de Samarra. Aujourd’hui, selon les Américains, il y aurait de 2 à 3000 combattants naqshbandis, rien que dans la région de Kirkouk, qui harassent les bases américaines. Dans la conjoncture actuelle, la multiplicité des organisations de résistance apparaît à la JRTN comme une nécessité. Elle affirme qu’un commandement unique nuirait à leur capacité d’action sur le terrain, faciliterait le travail de sape des occupants. En interdisant clairement les attentats aveugles et l’exécution d’Irakiens - sauf s’il s’agit de collaborateurs - elle marque sa différence de méthode avec al-Qaïda. Mais ce qui fait la force de l’ « Armée Naqshbandi », c’est la foi religieuse, le mode de vie ascétique et le patriotisme de ses membres, son aptitude à transcender les clivages ethniques, et son encadrement composé de militaires de l’ancienne armée irakienne.


(Appendice 1)

La CIA, « Le Pape » de la Casnazaniyya, et les « Rockstars »
La confrérie soufie Casnazaniyya, branche de la Qadiriyya, est connue en Irak pour ses cérémonies mystiques à la fin desquelles des derviches en extase s’entaillent la langue au rasoir, se transpercent avec des pics, ou se plantent un poignard dans le crâne. La foi qui les anime, l’insensibilité à la douleur et l’étonnante rapidité de cicatrisation des plaies, sont la preuve que Dieu - selon la secte - accomplit des miracles par l'entremise de leur cheikh. Muhammad al-Kasnazani, leur maître actuel, était connu pour ses relations avec plusieurs dirigeants irakiens, dont Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri. A la fin des années 70, il avait donné un gage de loyauté en créant une milice qui pourchassait les peshmergas de Jalal Talabani, actuel président de la République. Recruté par la CIA, sous le nom de code « le Pape », il aurait participé en 1995 à une tentative de renversement du président Saddam Hussein. D’après des documents saisis par les Américains, au siège des services secrets irakiens en 2003, Muhammad al-Kasnazani et ses fils Nehru et Gandhi – nom de code « Rockstars » - jouaient double jeu. En 2001, Muhammad, autre fils du cheikh, fut jeté en prison pour s’être alloué du pétrole de contrebande en imitant la signature de Saddam Hussein. Condamné à mort avec ses deux frères impliqués dans l’escroquerie, ils furent libérés grâce à l’intervention d’un ancien dirigeant kurde communiste, devenu soufi. Réfugiés avec leur père à Soulimaniya - sous la protection de Talabani - ils aidèrent les Américains à s’emparer de Bagdad en fournissant des listes de responsables baasistes à arrêter. Déçu de n’avoir pas été nommé ministre du nouveau régime, Nehru s’est transformé en homme d’affaires. Il a créé un quotidien, un parti politique et une société de sécurité. En 2009, il s’est offert les services d’une lobbyiste, ancien agent de liaison entre le commandement américain à Bagdad et l’armée du régime. Elle lui a ouvert les portes du Congrès américain. Depuis, Nehru se verrait bien président de la République irakienne.

(Appendice 2)

Le « bon Naqshbandi » des néo-conservateurs
Attention ! Ne pas confondre la Naqshbandiyya, dont l’Armée Naqshbandi d’Irak est issue… et l’ordre Naqshbandi qui se prévaut des enseignements de Nazim al-Haqqani, mufti d’origine libanaise. Ce courant soufi groupusculaire, mais très présent sur le Web, est dirigé aux Etats-Unis par Hisham al-Kabbani, son gendre. Véritable coqueluche des « Vulcains » - lobby néo-conservateur comprenant notamment Condoleeza Rice, Paul Wolfowitz et Richard Perle – ce religieux s’est fait un des chantres du renversement de Saddam Hussein, puis de la guerre contre le terrorisme. En octobre 2003, Kabbani a participé, à Washington, à une réunion du Centre Nixon pour utiliser le soufisme comme soutien des visées américaines au Proche-Orient et en Asie centrale. Y participaient, entre autres, l’orientaliste pro-israélien Bernard Lewis, Dick Cheney, Jebb Bush – frère du président - , Zalmay Khalizad – futur ambassadeur américain en Afghanistan, puis en Irak - et Eliott Abrams, anti-palestinien viscéral chargé par W. Bush… de faire « progresser la démocratie dans le monde ». Affirmant qu’aux Etats-Unis « 80% des mosquées », sont tenues par des extrémistes, Kabbani s’est autoproclamé « guide mondial de l’Ordre Naqshbandi » et a créé un « Conseil islamique suprême d’Amérique» (ISCA) dont il s’est fait élire président. Hedieh Mirahmadi, ancien conseiller de l’ambassade des Etats-Unis à Kaboul, et membre fondateur du « Comité pour le danger présent » créé en juillet 2004 pour sensibiliser l’Administration étasunienne à la « menace islamiste », en est le directeur. Qu’en est-il depuis ? On ne fera croire à personne que la CIA a abandonné son programme d’instrumentalisation des sectes musulmanes après le discours du Caire de Barack Obama, le 4 juin dernier.

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